6 вересня 2014, 10:40

This is Ukraine today – September 5: Russian army is suffering significant manpower losses in Donbas -two thousand persons

This is Ukraine today:

C'est l'Ukraine d'aujourd'hui:

Dies ist die Ukraine heute:

To jest Ukraina dzisiaj:

Esta es la actual Ucrania:

Questo è l'Ucraina di oggi:

Esta é hoje a Ucrânia:

Ukrajina je danas:

Это Украина сегодня:

Це Україна сьогодні:

U.S., UK, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa

Maidan Community Sector, Lviv: Dear friends!

War, not the expected peace arrived at the doorstep of Great Britain and France when they gave up Czechoslovakia to Hitler in 1938. War is happening right here at home and not in faraway Europe – the United States were harshly reminded about this at Pearl Harbor in 1942. War descended on Ukraine and thus is now much closer to Paris and Berlin, because Europe and the US haven't supported Georgia in 2008. War showed up in the homes of Dutch, British, French, German, Australian families because Europe and the US weren't courageous enough to lend a helping hand to Ukraine in 2014. It is impossible to run away from war and overwhelming aggression, it is impossible to buy yourself off. The war will catch up with you if you don't stand up to it with utmost determination.

September 5 – Russian troops have resumed the offensive of Mariupol, – informed the spokesman of the National Security and Defense Council Andriy Lysenko.

September 5 – Russian army is suffering significant manpower losses in Donbas – the death toll has reached two thousand persons. The number of wounded can be estimated by multiplying the death toll by four. To hide these losses, they bury the bodies of their soldiers in Donbas mines, – said the spokesman of the National Security and Defense Council Andriy Lysenko.

September 5 – The rotation of the units of the Russian army, which have lost their fighting ability, has started in Ukraine, -informed the spokesman of the National Security and Defense Council Andriy Lysenko.

September 5 – Prime Minister of Ukraine Arseniy Yatsenyuk believes that Ukraine has enough funds to implement the initial phase of "The Wall" project – constructing a wall to fence Ukraine from Russia, similarly to what was done by Israel in regards to Palestine.

September 5 – The negotiations with participation from the second President of Ukraine Leonid Kuchma, Russian Ambassador to Ukraine Mikhail Zurabov, OSCE Special Representative Heidi Tagliavini, the leaders of the militants representing "People's Republic of Donetsk" and "People's Republic of Luhansk", took place in Minsk." Following the meeting, a protocol specifying ceasefire in Donbas was signed (ceasefire to start at 6 pm on Friday, September 5th).

September 5 – Self-proclaimed "People's Republic of Donetsk" and "People's Republic of Luhansk" still intend to separate from Ukraine. They are preparing a ground for Putin to play this "card" in the future and thus have the ability to "bargain" for some preferences.

September 5 – All ATO forces have ceased fire in the east of Ukraine at 6 pm on Friday, September 5th, – informed the spokesman of the National Security and Defense Council Andriy Lysenko.

September 5 – Truce agreement was achieved as a result of sanctions – Barack Obama – "The only reason that the truce agreement was reached is that some sanctions have already been imposed and we are preparing even more powerful sanctions".

By Daisy Sindelar

Edward Lucas: Russia is winning

have been dealing with European security for more than thirty years, as an activist during the Cold War, as a journalist, and at think-tanks1.

I argue that:

● Russia is a revisionist power;

● It has the means to pursue its objectives;

● It is winning; and

● Greater dangers lie ahead.

I recommend that the United Kingdom and its allies:

● Give up any hope of a return to business as usual;

● Boost the defence of the Baltic states and Poland;

● Expose Russian corruption in the West;

● Impose sweeping visa sanctions on the Russian elite;

● Help Ukraine; and

● Reboot the Atlantic Alliance.

I am the author of several books relevant to today's session. The first of these, 'The New Cold War', was written in 2007, at a time when most Westerners were still reluctant to face up to the threat the Putin regime poses both to its own people, and to Russia's neighbours. Many accused me of scaremongering. Few do that now.

Yet conventional thinking about Russia is stubbornly rooted. Many policymakers and analysts in London and other Western capitals still believe that containing and confronting Vladimir Putin's Russia is dangerous and that seeking a diplomatic accommodation, though difficult, is far more desirable. They blame the West for provoking the crisis in Ukraine by ignoring Russia's interests.

I disagree profoundly. My views are based on my experiences over many years in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Ukraine, Moldova, Russia and other countries in the region. Our friends there have long been warning us of the dangerous direction of events. We have not listened to them. Instead, we have systematically patronised, belittled and ignored people who understand the problem better than we do. Now they have been proved right. I hope that my voice may be heard, where theirs, still, is not.

Russia is a revisionist power. Accommodating Russian interests is not about changing outcomes within an existing set of rules. It is about accepting new rules dictated by Russia. This is hard for many Westerners to understand, because we believe implicitly that the European security order we have known for nearly 40 years is fair, and therefore stable2. Russia regards it as unfair and ripe for change.

Russia wants to rewrite the rules in three ways. First, it does not believe that its neighbours should make their own decisions about their geopolitical future. Russia's security, in short, depends on these countries' insecurity. Russia particularly begrudges the former captive nations of the Soviet empire their freedom, their prosperity, and their independence. These pose an existential challenge to the stagnant and autocratic model of government pioneered by the Putin regime.

The Kremlin also wants to end the two big institutional threats to its interests. One is the Atlantic alliance. This provides a framework for what it regards as American meddling in Europe. It also brings vestigial nuclear guarantee which in theory outweighs the most powerful part of Russia military arsenal: usable tactical nuclear weapons.

Russia also wants to end the European Union's role as a rule-setter, especially in energy policy. The Kremlin regards this as confiscatory and a potentially lethal threat to its most important export industries, and to its main source of political influence in customer countries. Russia deeply resents the EU's 'Third Energy Package' which prohibits country-by-country price discrimination, and monopolies and cartels in gas distribution.

These are not changes Britain or its allies can accommodate. Russian-run satrapies in eastern Europe would be poor, oppressive, ill-run and unstable: like Belarus if we are lucky, like Moldova if we are not. A year ago, we faced the prospect of Ukraine, one of the largest countries in Europe, embarking on reforms which would have made a bigger market, better neighbour, and happier country. Now it faces dismemberment into a Russian-run puppet state, and a resentful unviable rump.

That is an appalling prospect for Ukrainians, and for us. For both moral and practical reasons, we should not consign allies such as the Baltic states and Poland to such a fate.

The Atlantic alliance, for all its current woes, is the cornerstone of our security. Without the United States' military and economic weight, Europe would be far more vulnerable to Russian pressure. And an open and transparent energy market is a vital national security interest. It would be a disaster if Europe returned to a world of murky long-term deals struck by political cronies, in which money is siphoned off by influence-peddlers and distributed among favoured clients.

Russia now has the means to pursue its revisionist approach.

● It ruthlessly uses its energy weapon against European countries, particularly in pipeline-delivered gas, where it has a substantial monopoly in the eastern half of the continent. We see this plainly in the promotion of the South Stream gas pipeline, which directly challenges EU rules, but is supported by Austria, Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungary, Italy, Serbia and Slovenia.

● It uses money. It bolsters a self-interested commercial and financial lobby which profits from doing business with Russia and fears any cooling in political ties. Austrian banks, German industrial exporters, French defence contractors, and a slew of companies, banks and law firms here in the United Kingdom exemplify this. These energy and financial ties constrain the Western response to Russian revisionism.

● It practises information warfare (propaganda) with a level of sophistication and intensity not seen even during the Cold War. This confuses and corrodes Western decision-making abilities. Fourthly, as we have seen in Ukraine, it is prepared to threaten and use force.

Russia is winning. Russia has not only challenged the European security order and seized another country's territory – Crimea: it is now in the process of seizing more, creating a puppet state called Novorossiya (New Russia). It has already crippled the Ukrainian economy and threatens to turn Ukraine into a failed state. The response from the West has been weak, late and disunited.

Many European countries have no appetite for confrontation with Russia. They take an essentially pacifist stance, that military solutions never solve problems, and that dialogue is under all circumstances better than confrontation. The United States is distracted by multiple urgent problems elsewhere and many Americans wonder why they should be borrowing money to pay for security in bigger, richer Europe.

That gives Russia, with its bold decision-making and high tolerance for risk and pain, free rein. Our feeble response has allowed Russia to wage war in Ukraine with disastrous effect.

Even greater dangers lie ahead. The Ukrainian adventure has given a big boost to the Putin regime, which showed some signs of declining popularity last year, amid economic failure and growing discontent about corruption and poor public services. Those who said that Russia would be content with Crimea (and that the peninsula's special status, and specific historical and ethnic mix made it an anomaly of political geography) have been proved dramatically wrong.

Worse, our weakness over Ukraine (and before that, Georgia) has set the stage for another, probably more serious challenge to European security, possibly in Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia or Moldova, but most likely in the Baltic states. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are loyal American allies and NATO members. These are our frontline states: the future of the world we have taken for granted since 1991 hangs on their fate. If they are successfully attacked or humiliated, NATO will lose its credibility overnight: a huge victory for Russia.

Geography is against them: the Baltic states form a thin, flat strip of land, lightly populated and with no natural frontier and little strategic depth. Their economies are liable to Russian pressure, especially in natural gas, where they are largely dependent on Russian supplies (though Lithuania will have an independent gas import terminal by the year-end). Estonia and Latvia are also vulnerable to Russian interference because of their ethnic make-up (between a quarter and a third of their populations self-identify as 'Russian' in some sense). Lithuania is vulnerable to demands from Russia for a corridor across its territory to the Kaliningrad exclave.

Like West Berlin in cold war days, the military defence of the Baltic states is difficult, especially against 'hybrid warfare' of the kind seen in Ukraine, which uses a deliberately ambiguous mix of military and unconventional means. Russia knows that. NATO has only a token presence in the region. We have no hardened infrastructure, no pre-positioned armed forces, weapons or munitions. We do not have proper plans to defend them. Russia knows that too. If we try to remedy these gaps in our defence – as NATO is now proposing to do, belatedly and partially, Russia will denounce these steps as a provocation, and threaten countermeasures. On current form, we will quail and back down.

What can we do?

The first task is to see clearly what has happened. European security will not be fixed with a few deft diplomatic touches and clever compromises. Coping with a revisionist Russia requires a fundamental overhaul. Policymakers need to explain to the public that the war in Ukraine was a game-changer. We have moved into a new costly and uncomfortable era, but we will never go back to business as usual. Anything else sends a message that the kleptocratic regime in the Kremlin understands all too well: crime pays.

We need to rebut the phoney Realpolitik arguments, which advise us to make the best of a bad job. We should accept the loss of Crimea, so the argument goes, do a deal with Russia over the future of Ukraine, and get used to the new realities, of a Russian droit de regard in neighbouring countries.

Such an approach would be morally wrong and strategically stupid. Securing a Europe whole and free after 1991 has been a magnificent achievement in which Britain has played a huge part. True: we made mistakes. We tried too hard to pander to Russia in the Yeltsin era, ignoring the growth of corruption, authoritarianism and revanchism. We overlooked Russians' resentment as their country drifted from the European mainstream and our vulnerability to the steps they could take in response. We neglected Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus and the countries of the Caucasus. The Blair government was bewitched by the Putin regime's offer of cooperation against Islamist terrorism in 2001. We have been frequently dazzled by the spurious commercial prospects offered by Russia – in particular BP's decision to form an alliance with Rosneft, the main Russian oil company, was a shameful example of greed and short-sightedness.

But having made these mistakes is no reason to compound them now, by retreating into a grubby defeatism.

Legitimising Russia's land-grab in Ukraine, and its attempted power-grab in the neighbourhood, would fly in the face of historical justice. The Tatars-whose suffering at Soviet hands is all but unmatched-are now under the rule of their former tormentors. Are we really proposing that countries which paid the greatest price for the mistakes of the 20th century (including many made by this country), and which the past masters of the Kremlin occupied and despoiled, should be once again subject to outside interference and oppression?

Instead, we should make it clear that our aim is simple. We will boost our security and that of allies, and weaken our opponents. We do not want to be enemies with Russia. But if the Putin regime treats us as an enemy, we help nobody by pretending otherwise.

Russia is far too weak to mount a conventional military attack on the West. But it does not need to. It has more potent weapons, of the kind already seen in Ukraine – the confusing and fast-changing combination of regular and irregular forces, economic sanctions, energy blockades, political destabilisation, information warfare, financial panics, and cyber-attacks. Traditional armed forces are not equipped to deal with this. Britain's own psychological-warfare capabilities (both in offence and defence) have been severely downgraded in recent years; neither we nor our allies have effective means of countering Russian propaganda. We need new, sophisticated and resilient means of defending ourselves against the Russian chimera, which blends military, criminal, intelligence, business, diplomatic, media, cyber and political elements.

The immediate priority is military. A security crisis in the Baltic region is the single most dangerous threat facing the Atlantic alliance. Reckless behaviour by Russia could face us with a choice between a full-scale military confrontation (including the potential use of nuclear weapons), or surrender, with the collapse of our most fundamental security arrangements. We must make every effort to ensure that this does not happen.

That means NATO allies must preposition military equipment and supplies in the Baltic states. It means NATO creating a standing defence plan-one which assumes that there is a real and present danger of attack. We need to put a major NATO base in Poland, to reassure that country that it can safely deploy its forces to the Baltics as reinforcements in the event of a crisis. We need to boost the NATO presence in the Baltic states with rotating visits by naval vessels, extended air-policing, and ground forces-initially on persistent rotation, but as soon as possible on permanent deployment.

Russia will complain vigorously about this. But the fact that the Kremlin is unhappy when its neighbours are well-defended is telling. We should explain to the Russian authorities and to our own public that when NATO expanded in 2004, we did not even draw up contingency plans for the military defence of the new members, because we assumed that Russia was a friend, not a threat. It is Russia's behaviour which has changed that. Russia attacked Georgia in 2008. It rehearsed the invasion and occupation of the Baltic states a year later, in the Zapad-09 exercise (which concluded with a dummy nuclear strike on Warsaw). It has continued to menace the Baltic states ever since, with air-space violations, propaganda and economic warfare, and state-sponsored subversion. We take the step of securing our most vulnerable allies belatedly and reluctantly, and solely as a result of Russian policy directed towards them.

A further vital military component of security in north-eastern Europe is the closest possible integration of Sweden and Finland into NATO planning and capabilities. These countries are not members of the alliance, so they cannot formally be part of its command structure. But we should make every effort to maximise cooperation in every respect. We cannot defend the Baltic states or Poland without their help. Rich, well-run countries with serious military capabilities, excellent intelligence services and strong strategic cultures are in short supply in modern Europe. We should make the most of what we have.

We also need to consider how to help countries hit by Russian economic sanctions. I commend Polish apples and Lithuanian cheese to this committee. Poland is one of the world's largest apple exporters. Half its production goes to Russia and has been halted at the stroke of a pen, on arbitrary grounds. I do not believe that taxpayers should pay for the imprudent decisions of exporters (for more than 20 years I have been warning companies not to depend heavily on the Russian market). But as consumers we can do our part to help blunt the edge of Russian economic warfare.

Making it clear that we are serious about helping our allies will make our attempts to help our friends more credible. The top priority here is stabilising Ukraine. It is hard to overstate how parlous the situation is. Ukraine is suffering a world-class economic and financial crisis, which even in a stable and secure country would be far worse than anything experienced elsewhere in Europe. The economy is fundamentally uncompetitive. The main export market, Russia, is at risk of closure at any moment. Public finances are in ruins. Foreign exchange reserves are empty. Crippling debt repayments loom. The government subsists on a hand-to-mouth basis, relying on ad-hoc donations from wealthy oligarchs for even core spending requirements such as national defence. Even if everything else goes well, simply fixing Ukraine's economy will take five years. A defeated Ukraine – embittered, traumatised and dismembered – will be even harder to help.

The outside world must respond generously and imaginatively. A new Marshall Plan for Ukraine should involve not only direct financial support, but also the widest possible relaxation of tariffs and quotas on Ukrainian products such as steel, grain, textiles and agricultural products. The European Union has led the way with the newly signed deep and comprehensive free trade agreement, but much more remains to be done. In particular, European countries should accelerate efforts to supply Ukraine with natural gas by reversing the flow of existing pipelines.

Second, Ukraine faces a political and constitutional crisis of a kind unseen since the end of the wars in ex-Yugoslavia. Every political institution was degraded and discredited under the previous Yanukovych regime. Decades of bad government, corruption and abysmal public services have corroded public confidence in the state-one reason for the initial public support enjoyed by the insurgents in the poorest parts of eastern Ukraine. We should give the strongest possible support to the parliamentary elections next month.

Third, Ukraine faces defeat in its undeclared war with Russia. We need to offer Ukraine military training, assistance, arms and equipment in order to defeat or at least stall the separatist insurgents. We also – for Ukraine's sake and for our own – need to deter the Kremlin.

This is the hardest part of the task ahead. Russia is an integrated part of the world economy and of international decision-making on everything from space to sub-sea minerals. It cannot be simply isolated and ignored. But that does not mean that we cannot raise the cost of doing business for the Putin regime.

In particular, we should greatly extend the use of sanctions against individuals. The furious Russian reaction to the American imposition of even a handful of visa bans and asset freezes on those responsible for the death of the whistle-blowing auditor Sergei Magnitsky shows the effectiveness of this approach. Other countries, including this one, have shamefully failed to follow suit. They should. The initiative of Bill Browder, the London-based financier and activist who employed Mr Magnitsky and has championed his cause, deserves special mention and credit.

The scope of such sanctions should be widened to include hundreds or even thousands of Russian decision-makers and policy-makers. It could include all members of the legislature (Duma and Federation Council), all members of the General Staff, military intelligence (GRU) domestic security (FSB), foreign intelligence (SVR), the interior ministry (MVD) and other 'power agencies', the presidential administration, and presidential property administration (and companies which represent it abroad), companies run by personalities linked to the Putin regime, and any banks or other commercial institutions involved in doing business in occupied Crimea. Such visa bans and asset freezes could also be extended to the parents, children and siblings of those involved.

This would send a direct and powerful message to the Russian elite that their own personal business in the West – where they and their families shop, study, save and socialise – will not continue as usual. The more countries that adopt sanctions, and the longer the list of those affected, the more pressure we are putting on the Putin regime to back off and change course.

Here in Britain we have another powerful weapon. We can also apply much tougher money-laundering laws to keep corrupt Russian officials out of the Western payments system and capital markets. We should intensify investigations of Russian energy companies which have mysterious origins, shareholders or business models. We can tighten rules on trust and company formation agents to make it harder for corrupt Russian entities to exploit and abuse our system. It is often said that offshore financial centres are beloved by the Russian elite. But the shameful truth is that it is Britain and the United States which make life easiest for them.

We also need to improve the West's resilience and solidarity in the face of Russian pressure. Lithuania has built its own floating LNG terminal, which will become operational in December of this year, with the arrival of the aptly named "Independence" a vessel constructed in South Korea. Already, Gazprom's grip on Lithuania's natural gas market has slackened, and Lithuania has bene able to negotiate a discount from the extortionate price – the highest in Europe – which the Russian gas giant had been charging. As energy editor of The Economist, I am sceptical of the idea that we will ever have a deep and liquid global LNG market: the technology and costs involved hinder the development of the needed supply chain. However at the margins, LNG does make a big difference, blunting the edge of any artificial emergency that Russia may try to create with selective supply interruptions.

Europe can do much more. It can build more gas storage, and liberalise the rules governing it, so that all parties have access to the facilities. It can complete the north-south gas grid, making it impossible for Russia to use supply interruptions on its four east-west export pipelines as a political weapon. Most of all, the European Commission should proceed with its complaint against Gazprom for systematic market-abuse and law-breaking. This move – in effect a prosecution – is based on the seizure of huge numbers of documents following raids on Gazprom offices and affiliates. The Commission had expected to release this complaint – in effect a charge sheet – in March. Then it was postponed until June. Nothing has been heard of it since. Many now wonder if it has been permanently shelved.

European, British and American regulators are rightly concerned about the way in which Russian companies operate in the world energy market. There are grave suspicions of price-fixing, insider trading, money-laundering and other abusive and illegal behaviour. My own researches suggest that these suspicions are amply justified, though writing about them is hampered by the costs and risks imposed by English libel law. In the course of researching the defence case in a libel case involving a prominent Russian active in the energy sector, I met several potential witnesses who were frightened for their physical safety if they cooperated with us. The more that the our criminal justice systems can do, through prosecution, witness protection and plea bargains, to deal with the Russian gangster state, the safer the world will be.

Finally, we need to reboot the Atlantic Alliance. As memories fade of the Normandy beaches, of the Berlin airlift and wall, and the sacrifice and loyalty of past generations, our reservoir of shared sentiment is running dry. Without economic, political and cultural commonality, the Kremlin's games of divide and rule will succeed. This will require renewed and extraordinary efforts on both sides of the Atlantic. The revelations surrounding the secret material stolen by Edward Snowden have stoked fears in Europe that America is an unaccountable and intrusive global hegemon. This year I wrote a book – 'The Snowden Operation' attacking the 'Snowdenistas', as I termed the NSA renegade's unthinking defenders.

I believe that our intelligence agencies as a rule function well, within the law, and to the great benefit of our nations. But much damage has been done. At a time when we need to be restoring transatlantic ties, they are withering before our eyes, especially in the vital strategic relationship between America and Germany. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) offers a rare chance of a big-picture, positive project which could help revive what sometimes looks like a failing marriage.

A final footnote: whereas Russia once regarded the collapse of the Soviet Union as a liberation from communism, the regime there now pushes the line, with increasing success, that it was a humiliating geopolitical defeat. That is not only factually false; it is also a tragedy for the Russian people. They overthrew the Soviet Union, under which they had suffered more than anyone else. But they have had the fruits of victory snatched away by the kleptocratic ex-KGB regime. The bread and circuses it offers are little consolation for the prize that Russians have lost: a country governed by law, freed from the shadows of empire and totalitarianism, and at peace with itself and its neighbours.


1 I have worked as a foreign correspondent for the BBC, The Independent, The Sunday Times and The Economist. In 1989 was the only foreign newspaperman living in Communist-era Czechoslovakia and saw the regime there tumble in the Velvet Revolution. I was the last Western journalist to be expelled from the Soviet Union, having received the first visa given by the new Lithuanian authorities. In 1992 I founded and ran the first English-language weekly in the Baltic states. In 2010 I coordinated the defence for my employer The Economist in a high-stakes libel action brought against us by a Russian tycoon who denied that his fortune benefited from his association with Vladimir Putin. I speak Russian, German, Polish, Czech and some other languages. As well as the 'New Cold War' (revised and updated in a new edition this year) I am also the author of 'Deception' (a book on east-west espionage) and of 'The Snowden Operation' (an e-book on the NSA, privacy and espionage).

2 The Helsinki Final Act of 1975 established that borders in Europe would never again be changed by force. The Paris Charter of 1990 established common principles of political freedom, human rights and the rule of law. The Soviet Union signed both.

Edward Lucas is Senior Fellow at Centre for European Policy Analysis (Washington DC) and Senior Editor at The Economist magazine. The above is his written testimony to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, 3 September 2014.

In Europe, Plenty Of Outrage – Just Not About Russia's Actions In Ukraine

Demonstrtions in France and abroad against delivery of Mistrals to Putin

P.S.: Please spread this appeal as much as possible.


Građanski sektor Majdana, Lavov: Poštovane koleginice i kolege!

Kad su 1938. Velika Britanija i Nemačka predale Čehoslovačku Hitleru, u njihovu kuću nije došao mir, već je došao rat. Kad su 1941. SAD mislile da je rat negde daleko u Evropi, Perl Harbor je podsetio da je on kod njih u kući. Kada 2008. Evropa i Amerika nisu podržale Gruziju, onda je rat prišao bliže Parizu i Berlinu – u Ukrajinu. Kada 2014. Evropa i Amerika nikako ne mogu da se usude da podrže Ukrajinu, rat je došao u njihove holandske, britanske, belgijske, nemačke, australijske porodice. Od rata i nezadržive agresije ne možeš da pobegneš, ne možeš da se otkupiš – oni će doći kod tebe, ako im se ne suprotstaviš sa svom mogućom odlučnošću.

5. septembar. – Ruske trupe ponovo su preduzele ofanzivu na Mariupolj – glasnogovornik informativnog centra Andrij Lisenko.

5. septembar. – Ruska vojska trpi znatne gubitke u živoj sili na Donbasu, broj poginulih dostiže 2 hiljade vojnika. Broj ranjenika može se proceniti ako umnožimo broj ranjenika puta četiri. Da sakriju svoje gubitke, oni sahranjuju leševe svojih vojnika u rudnicima Donbasa, − glasnogovornik informativnog centra Andrij Lisenko.

5. septembar. – Ruska vojska počela je rotaciju jedinica Oružanih snaga RF u Ukrajini koje su izgubile bojnu sposobnost, − glasnogovornik informativnog centra Andrij Lisenko.

5. septembar. – Premijer-ministar Arsenij Jacenjuk uverava da Ukrajina ima dovoljno sredstava za realizaciju prve etape projekta "Zid" kojim će se Ukrajina ograditi od Rusije – kao Izrael od Palestine.

5. septembar. – U Minsku održali su se pregovori na kojima su učestvovali drugi predsednik Ukrajine Leonid Kučma, ambasador Rusije u Ukrajini Mihail Zurabov, specijalni predstavnik OEBS-a Hajdi Taljavini, lideri terorista "DNR" i "LNR". Prema rezultatima susreta bio je potpisan protokol o obustavljanju vatre na Donbasu u petak u 18 časova.

5. septembar. – Samoproklamovane "Donjecka" i "Luganska narodna republika" kao i ranije imaju nameru da se otcepe od Ukrajine – pripremaju za Putina argumente koje će on "trampiti" za neke preferencije za sebe.

5. septembar. – Sve snage ATO u 18 časova obustavile su vatru na istoku Ukrajine, − spiker SNBO Andrij Lisenko.

5. septembar. – Dogovor o primirju postignut je zahvaljujući sankcijama – Barak Obama. – "Jedini razlog toga da je postignut dogovor o primirju – to je činjenica da je deo sankcija već stupio na snagu i to da mi pripremamo još moćniji paket sankcija".

Пс.: Молимо вас да шире ову информацију што је шире могуће.

France, Belgique, Canada, Suisse

Le Secteur du peuple, Lviv: Chers collègues!

En 1938, lorsque la Grande-Bretagne et la France ont donné la Tchécoslovaquie à Hitler, ce n'est pas la paix, mais la guerre qui est venue frapper à leur porte. En 1942, lorsque les Etats-Unis pensaient que la guerre était loin en Europe, l'attaque sur Pearl Harbor leur a rappelé que la guerre se trouvait juste derrière la porte. En 2008, lorsque ni l'Europe ni l'Amérique n'ont soutenu la Géorgie, la guerre s'est rapproché de Paris et Berlin... en Ukraine. En 2014, lorsque ni l'Europe ni l'Amérique n'ont osé soutenir l'Ukraine, la guerre a frappé des familles hollandaises, britanniques, belges, allemandes, malaisiennes et australiennes. On ne peut ni se cacher ni se racheter face à la guerre et à l'agression sans bornes... elle frappera à votre porte à moins que vous n'y puissiez résister avec la plus grande détermination.

Le 5 septembre – "Les forces russes ont repris l'offensive à Marioupol." – déclaration du porte-parole de Conseil national de sécurité et défense, Andriy Lyssenko.

Le 5 septembre – "L'armée russe subit de lourdes pertes dans le Donbass. Le nombre de morts a atteint deux mille soldats. Le nombre de blessés peut être estimé en multipliant le nombre de morts par quatre. Pour masquer les morts, ils enterrent les corps des soldats dans les mines du Donbass." – déclaration du porte-parole de Conseil national de sécurité et défense, Andriy Lyssenko.

Le 5 septembre – "L'armée russe a commencé à faire la rotation des troupes en Ukraine, celles qui ont perdu leur capacité de combat." a déclaré le porte-parole de Conseil national de sécurité et défense, Andriy Lyssenko.

Le 5 septembre – Le Premier ministre, Arseniy Iatseniouk dit que l'Ukraine a suffisamment de fonds pour la mise en œuvre de la première phase du projet "Stina" (le Mur) qui séparerait l'Ukraine de la Russie.

Le 5 septembre – A Minsk ont commence les négociations avec le deuxième Président de l'Ukraine Leonid Koutchma, l'ambassadeur russe en Ukraine, Mikhaïl Zourabov, le représentant de l'OSCE, Heidi Tagliavini et les principaux militants terroristes du "DNR" et du LNR"". Après la réunion, un protocole a été signé sur un accord de cessez-le-feu dans le Donbass à partir de 18h00 le vendredi 5 septembre.

Le 5 septembre – Les "Républiques populaires de Donetsk et de Louhansk" autoproclamées ont toujours l'intention de se détacher de l'Ukraine. Les terroristes préparent des arguments pour Poutine pour qu'il puisse "racheter" quelques avantages pour lui-même.

Le 5 septembre – "Toutes les Forces armées de l'ATO ont cessé le feu à 18.00 dans l'Est de l'Ukraine." – déclaration du porte-parole de Conseil national de sécurité et défense, Andriy Lyssenko.

Le 5 septembre – Barack Obama dit que l'accord sur le cessez-le-feu a abouti grâce aux sanctions.

"On a pu parvenir à un accord grâce à certaines sanctions qui avaient été imposées auparavant et en raison du fait que nous préparons un paquet de sanctions beaucoup plus lourdes."

P.S.: Faîtes circuler cet appel, SVP!


Ludowy sektor Majdan, Lwów: Szanowni Państwo!

Gdy w 1938 roku Wielka Brytania i Francja oddały Czechosłowację Hitlerowi, w ich domy przyszedł nie pokój, lecz wojna. Gdy w 1941 roku Stany Zjednoczone myślały, że wojna jest gdzieś daleko w Europie, Pearl Harbor przypomniał, że ona stoi przed progiem. Gdy w 2008 roku Europa i Ameryka nie wsparły Gruzję, wojna zbliżyła się do Paryża i Berlina – na teren Ukrainy. Gdy w 2014 roku Europa i Ameryka wciąż nie mogą odważyć się wesprzeć Ukrainę, wojna przyszła do holenderskich, malezyjskich, brytyjskich, belgijskich, niemieckich, australijskich rodzin. Od wojny i niepohamowanej agresji nie da się uciec, nie da się odkupić – ona przyjdzie do każdego, jeśli nie przeciwstawić się ją z całą możliwą stanowczością.

5 września – Siły rosyjskie wznowiły ofensywę na Mariupol – rzecznik Centrum Informacji RNBO Andrij Łysenko.

5 września – Armia rosyjska ponosi ciężkie straty ludzkie na Donbasie, ilość zabitych żołnierzy osiągnęła dwóch tysięcy. Liczbę rannych można oszacować, mnożąc liczbę ofiar śmiertelnych na cztery. Aby ukryć straty, Rosjanie grzebią zwłoki swoich żołnierzy w kopalniach Donbasu – rzecznik Centrum Informacji RNBO Andrij Łysenko.

5 września – Armia rosyjska zaczęła rotację tych jednostek swych sił zbrojnych na Ukrainie, którzy utracili zdolność do walki, – rzecznik Centrum Informacji RNBO Andrij Łysenko.

5 września – Premier-minister Ukrainy Arsenij Jaceniuk powiedział, że Ukraina ma wystarczającą ilość środków dla realizacji pierwszej fazy projektu "Ściana", z pomocą którego Ukraina odgrodzi się od Rosji – jak Izrael od Palestyny.

5 września – W Mińsku odbyły się negocjacje z udziałem drugiego prezydenta Ukrainy Leonida Kuczmy, ambasadora Rosji w Ukrainie Michaiła Zurabowa, specjalnego przedstawiciela OBWE Heidi Tagliavini oraz hersztów bojowników z organizacji terrorystycznych "DRL" i "ŁRL". W wyniku podpisano protokół o zawieszeniu broni na Donbasie od 18:00 w piątek.

5 września – Samozwańcze "Doniecka" i "Ługańska Republiki Ludowe" nadal zamierzają odłączyć się od Ukrainy – one przygotowują Putinowi kolejne argumenty, których on najpewniej "zrzeknie" się dla pewnych korzyści dla siebie.

5 września – Wszystkie siły ATO zawiesiły ogień na Wschodzie Ukrainy o 18.00 – rzecznik Centrum Informacji RNBO Andrij Łysenko.

5 września – Umowa o zawieszeniu broni na Wschodzie Ukrainy została osiągnięta dzięki sankcjom – Barack Obama: "Jedyną przyczyną osiągnięcia porozumienia w sprawie zawieszenia broni jest fakt, że część sankcji już została wprowadzona, i to, że jesteśmy w trakcie przygotowywania pakietu jeszcze mocniejszych sankcji".

Kazimierz Wóycicki

NATO, Ukraina i nieudana pułapka Putina

Postscriptum: Proszę rozprzestrzeniać tę informację jak najszerzej.

Italia, Svizzera, Vaticano

Settore pubblico di Maidan, L'viv: Gentili colleghi!

Quando nel 1938 la Gran Bretagna e la Francia hanno ceduto la Cecoslovacchia a Hitler, hanno trovato la guerra, non la pace. Quando nel 1941 gli Stati Uniti credevano che la guerra fosse lontano, da qualche parte in Europa, Pearl Harbor ha ricordato loro che la guerra era in casa loro. Quando nel 2008 l'Europa e l'America non hanno sostenuto la Georgia, la guerra si è avvicinata più di prima a Parigi e Berlino – in Ucraina. Nel 2014 l'Europa e l'America non osano sostenere l'Ucraina e la guerra sta coinvolgendo le loro famiglie – olandesi, inglesi, belga, tedesche, australiane. Non si può fuggire da una guerra, da un'aggressione sfrenata; questa avanzerà ancora se non ci si oppone con la massima determinazione.

5 settembre – L'esercito russo ha ripreso l'attacco a Mariupol', – ha detto il portavoce del Centro Informazioni del Consiglio di Sicurezza e di Difesa Nazionale Andrii Lysenko.

5 settembre – L'esercito russo sta subendo gravi perdite nel Donbas: il numero delle vittime ha raggiunto i due mila soldati. Il numero dei feriti potrebbe essere ottenuto moltiplicando il numero delle vittime per quattro. Per nascondere le vittime, essi seppelliscono i corpi dei loro soldati nelle miniere del Donbas, – ha detto il portavoce del Centro Informazioni del Consiglio di Sicurezza e di Difesa Nazionale Andrii Lysenko.

5 settembre – L'esercito russo ha cominciato a cambiare le unità delle Forze Armate dell'Ucraina che hanno perso la loro capacità di combattimento, – ha detto il portavoce del Centro Informazioni del Consiglio di Sicurezza e di Difesa Nazionale Andrii Lysenko.

5 settembre – Il Primo Ministro Arsenii Iatseniuk assicura che l'Ucraina ha fondi sufficienti per avviare il progetto "Stinà" ("Il Muro") per separare l'Ucraina dalla Russia, come Israele si è separato dalla Palestina.

5 settembre – A Minsk si sono svolti i negoziati a cui hanno partecipato il secondo presidente dell'Ucraina Leonid Kuchma, l'ambasciatore russo in Ucraina Mikhail Zurabov, il rappresentante speciale dell'OSCE Heidi Tagliavini e i leader dei militanti della "Repubblica Popolare di Donets'k" e della "Repubblica Popolare di Luhans'k". Nel corso della riunione è stato firmato un protocollo che prevede il cessate il fuoco nel Donbas dalle ore 18:00 del venerdì.

5 settembre – Le autoproclamate "Repubbliche Popolari" di Donets'k e di Luhans'k hanno come prima l'intenzione di separarsi dall'Ucraina: stanno preparando delle motivazioni da dare a Putin.

5 settembre – Tutte le forze dell'ATO hanno cessato il fuoco in Ucraina orientale alle ore 18:00, – ha detto il portavoce del Centro Informazioni del Consiglio di Sicurezza e di Difesa Nazionale Andrii Lysenko.

5 settembre – L'accordo riguardante l'armistizio è stato raggiunto grazie alle sanzioni, – ha detto Barack Obama. – L'unico motivo per cui è stata raggiunta una tregua è il fatto che alcune sanzioni sono già state introdotte e che un pacchetto di altre sanzioni più potenti è in fase di progettazione.

Post scriptum: Si prega di diffondere queste informazioni il più ampiamente possibile.


Общественный сектор Майдана, Львов, информирует: Уважаемые коллеги!

Когда в 1938 году Великобритания и Франция отдали Чехословакию Гитлеру, в их дом пришел не мир, а война. Когда в 1941 году США думали, что война где-то далеко в Европе, Перл Харбор напомнил, что она у них дома. Когда в 2008 году Европа и Америка не поддержали Грузию, то Война пришла ближе к Парижу и Берлину – в Украину. Когда в 2014 году Европа и Америка никак не могут решиться всерьез поддержать Украину, война пришла к нидерландским, британским, бельгийским, немецким, австралийским семьям. От войны и безудержной агрессии не убежишь, не откупишься – она придет к тебе, если с ней не бороться со всей возможной решительностью.

5 сентября – Российские войска возобновили наступление на Мариуполь – спикер Информационного центра Андрий Лысенко.

5 сентября – Русская армия понесет значительные потери в живой силе на Донбассе, количество погибших достигает двух тысяч содат. Число раненых можно оценить, умножив количество погибших на четыре. Чтобы скрыть свои потери они прячут тела своих солдат в шахтах Донбасса – спикер Информационного центра Андрий Лысенко.

5 сентября – Русская армия начала ротацию частей и подразделений ВС РФ в Украине, потерявших боеспособность – спикер Информационного центра Андрий Лысенко.

5 сентября – Премьер-министр Арсений Яценюк уверяет, что Украина имеет достаточно средств для реализации начального этапа проекта "Стена", которой Украина планирует отгородится от России – как Израиль от Палестины.

5 сентября – В Минске состоялись переговоры с участием второго президента Украины Леонида Кучмы, посла России в Украине Михаила Зурабова, спецпредставителя ОБСЕ Хайди Тальявини, лидеров боевиков "ДНР" и "ЛНР". По итогам встречи был подписан протокол о прекращении огня на Донбассе с 18:00 пятницы.

5 сентября – Самопровозглашенные "Донецка" и "Луганска народные республики" по-прежнему намерены отсоединиться от Украины – готовят для Путина аргументы, которые он "сдаст" за некие преференции для себя.

5 сентября – Все силы АТО с 18.00 прекратили огонь на востоке Украины – спикер СНБО Андрий Лысенко

5 сентября – Договоренность о перемирии достигнута благодаря санкциям – Барак Обама – "Единственная причина того, что достигнуто договоренность о перемирии – это тот факт, что часть санкции уже введена в дейстрвие и то, что мы готовим еще более мощный санкционный пакет "

Постскриптум: Пожалуйста, распространите эту информацию как можно шире.


Громадський сектор Майдану, Львів, інформує: Шановні колеги!

Коли у 1938 році Велика Британія та Франція віддали Чехословаччину Гітлеру в їх дім прийшов не мир, а війна. Коли у 1941 році США гадали, що війна десь далеко в Європі, Перл Харбор нагадав, що вона у них вдома. Коли у 2008 році Європа та Америка не підтримали Грузію, то Війна прийшла ближче до Парижа та Берліна – в Україну. Коли у 2014 році Європа та Америка ніяк не можуть відважитися реально підтримати Україну, війна прийшла до їх нідерландських, британських, французьких, німецьких, австралійських сімей. Від війни та нестримної агресії не втечеш, не відкупишся – вона прийде до тебе, якщо їй не протиставитись з усією можливою рішучістю.

5 вересня – Російські війська поновили наступ на Маріуполь – речник Інформаційного центру Андрій Лисенко.

5 вересня – Російська армія зазнає значних втрат в живій силі на Донбасі, кількість загиблих сягає двох тисяч содатів. Кількість поранених можна оцінити, перемноживши кількість загиблих на чотири. Щоб приховати свої втрати вони ховають тіла своїх солдат у шахтах Донбаса – речник Інформаційного центру Андрій Лисенко.

5 вересня – Російська армія почала ротацію частин і підрозділів ЗС РФ в Україні, що втратили боєздатність – речник Інформаційного центру Андрій Лисенко.

5 вересня – Прем'єр-міністр Арсеній Яценюк запевняє, що Україна має достатньо коштів для реалізації початкового етапу проекту "Стіна", якою Україна відгородиться від Росії – як Ізраїль від Палестини.

5 вересня – У Мінську відбулися переговори за участю другого президента України Леоніда Кучми, посла Росії в Україні Михайла Зурабова, спецпредставника ОБСЄ Хайді Тальявіні, лідерів бойовиків "ДНР" і "ЛНР". За підсумками зустрічі було підписано протокол про припинення з 18:00 п'ятниці вогню на Донбасі.

5 вересня – Самопроголошені "Донецька" і "Луганська народні республіки" як і раніше мають намір від'єднатися від України – готують для Путіна аргументи, які він "здасть" на якісь преференції для себе.

5 вересня – Всі сили АТО з 18.00 припинили вогонь на сході України – спікер РНБО Андрій Лисенко

5 вересня – Домовленість про перемир'я досягнута завдяки санкціям – Барак Обама – "Єдина причина того, що досягнено домовленість про перемир'я – це той факт, що частину санкції вже введено в силу і те, що ми готуємо ще більш потужний санкційний пакет"

Постскриптум: Будь ласка, розповсюдьте цю інформацію якомога ширше.

We exspress our sincere gratitude to the International Renaissance Foundation that supported this publication.

Висловлюємо вдячність Міжнародному фонду "Відродження" за підтримку цієї ініціативи.

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